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omg tumblr i need help this is for science guise

didyoudrinkmygingerale:

Does English, specifically American English, contain any instances of /mj/ ?

Because if it doesn’t that would explain beautifully why the English meow is the only one that doesn’t make use of an approximant…

:3 <3 ?

EDIT: Found my answer. /mj/ can exist, but only before /u:/ and /ʊɹ/ (mute, mural). This still works, though, because meow contains /aʊ/, shifting the /j/ to an /i/! :D Yayayay!

mute, immune, Mewtwo, munition, museum, music, municipal.

Link

implicature:

An brief linguistic analysis of the word “hella,” written by Rachelle Waksler of San Francisco State University. Needs work, but it’s better than nothing.

Specifiers are things like very, quite, rather, pretty and kinda in adverbial/adjectival phrases. In noun phrases, they are determiners or quantifiers such as the, some, every, no and apostrophe-ess genitives like Tristan’s or my dog’s. As functional words, they tend to be a pretty restricted class of words when it comes to language changes, so a new specifier is hella cool.

(Source: misworded)

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so for my speech pathology class, i told my professor about how i  plotted my vowels last year and i offered to make some slides and  show-and-tell some things about the so-called &#8220;vowel space&#8221; to our  class. i basically go over a basic methodology of vowel measurement,  then present my vowel space with some observations and give some  take-home big ideas that might be helpful to budding phoneticians. here  are the big ideas:
Vowel space is tricky. 
Vowel  space is more relational than absolute. 
Context of a vowel  matters but not too much. 
…except for when it does matter  (i.e. phonological language difference).
the above image  shows my diphthongs&#8212;oy in boy, ow in cow, ai in bye&#8212;in  the vowel space. left is towards the front of the mouth and up is  towards the top of the mouth. diphthongs are &#8220;double vowels&#8221; so this  plot shows the heads, tails and trajectories of my vowels. i have  something normally referred to as &#8220;canadian raising&#8221; where i have  appreciably different vowels in the words ice and eyes (green vs red), and to a lesser extent, in kraut and crowd (blue vs orange).

so for my speech pathology class, i told my professor about how i plotted my vowels last year and i offered to make some slides and show-and-tell some things about the so-called “vowel space” to our class. i basically go over a basic methodology of vowel measurement, then present my vowel space with some observations and give some take-home big ideas that might be helpful to budding phoneticians. here are the big ideas:

  • Vowel space is tricky.
  • Vowel space is more relational than absolute.
  • Context of a vowel matters but not too much.
  • …except for when it does matter (i.e. phonological language difference).

the above image shows my diphthongs—oy in boy, ow in cow, ai in bye—in the vowel space. left is towards the front of the mouth and up is towards the top of the mouth. diphthongs are “double vowels” so this plot shows the heads, tails and trajectories of my vowels. i have something normally referred to as “canadian raising” where i have appreciably different vowels in the words ice and eyes (green vs red), and to a lesser extent, in kraut and crowd (blue vs orange).

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heh*

heh*

Link

They are of course against the horrible initiative that says that teachers with “heavily accented” English are to be removed. These are their main facts; (7) and (8) are my favorite points:

  1. ‘Heavily accented’ speech is not the same as ‘unintelligible’ or ‘ungrammatical’ speech.
  2. Speakers with strong foreign accents may nevertheless have mastered grammar and idioms of English as well as native speakers.
  3. Teachers whose first language is Spanish may be able to teach English to Spanish‐speaking students better than teachers who don’t speak Spanish.
  4. Exposure to many different speech styles, dialects and accents helps (and does not harm) the acquisition of a language.
  5. It is helpful for all students (English language learners as well as native speakers) to be exposed to foreign‐accented speech as a part of their education.
  6. There are many different ‘accents’ within English that can affect intelligibility, but the policy targets foreign accents and not dialects of English.
  7. Communicating to students that foreign accented speech is ‘bad’ or ‘harmful’ is counterproductive to learning, and affirms pre‐existing patterns of linguistic bias and harmful ‘linguistic profiling’.
  8. There is no such thing as ‘unaccented’ speech, and so policies aimed at eliminating accented speech from the classroom are paradoxical.

They later elaborate on (7), and it’s pretty interesting:

Evidence exists that listeners’ perceptions of ‘foreign accented speech’ are often inaccurate – listeners’ predisposed to view a speaker has having a ‘foreign’ identity are likely to perceive that person’s speech as accented, even when it is not (Rubin, 1992; Derwing and Monroe 2009). Nancy Niedzielski’s (1996, 1999) work shows that people think the same sounds are [more ‘standard’ or less ‘standard’] depending on whether they are told the speaker is from Canada vs. right over the border in Detroit (participants, of course, viewed their own dialect as ‘standard’). In Rubin’s work, these beliefs lead to lower comprehension scores for listeners who think that they are listening to ‘foreign accented speech’ (even when they are not). To the extent that policies like this further stigmatize foreign accented speech, therefore, they are counterproductive to learning.

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Since you asked

monkeytypist:

My favourite phoneme is the alveolar lateral affricate.  It’s so much fun.  I could say it all day.

tɬ!

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"English speakers also tend to weaken or omit final coronal consonants, a process that linguists call t/d deletion: thus [lɛf] for left.  Although t/d deletion is stigmatized, in fact all normal English speakers do it some of the time, at least in some contexts.  As a result, fixed expressions that start out as participle+noun are sometimes re-analyzed so as to lose their -ed ending.  This happened long ago to ice(d) cream, skim(med) milk, pop(ped) corn, wax(ed) paper, shave(d) ice, etc. It’s happened more recently (I think) to ice(d) tea, cream(ed) corn, and whip(ped) cream."

Language Log » The population memetics of un-ed-ing — Whoa. I had never noticed this phenomenon, but I love it already.

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re onomatopoeia

tragos:

I know nothing—and I mean nothing—about linguistics. Which means I constantly have stupid questions about the subject, such as:

Is there any objective standard according to which we can say that one language is more onomatopoetic than another? Because it sure as hell seems to me that Spanish trumps English on that front (except for ‘oink’).

Also: What might it say about the cultures in or through or across or by which languages develop that one might be more onomatopoetic than another?

There is no such thing as a stupid question when it comes to linguistics—language matters tend to be plagued by the incoherent blather of reactionary armchair experts—thus I have no problems fielding any questions on language and giving you The Straight Dope.

One of the foundations of modern structuralist linguistics is the Saussurean sign which says that there is an arbitrary relationship between the signifier and the signified. What this means is that there is nothing iconic or “stop”-like about the shape and make-up of a stop sign. That is, a red octagon with giant white lines and curves has nothing to do with the act of slowing down and ceasing forward motion. This assumption that there is an arbitrary relation between form and meaning, as I understand the history of linguistics, pushed us towards the abstract, symbolic and computational study of language forms (since there was nothing iconic or inherently meaningful about words and sounds) and this was a good thing.

But as a result of arbitraryness, your question about comparative onomatopoetic capacity is somewhat incoherent. That is, by assumption all language is arbitrary, so it’s not possible to be “more or less onomatopoetic”. But we recognize that onomatopoeia, like reduplication or phonesthemes, flirts with iconicity (by which I mean, standing for something in a clear, non-arbitrary way) and sound symbolism, and it would be unprincipled to throw out the question entirely.

There is also, however, the dangerous ethnocentric subtext to your second question: If we assume that all language is imitative in origin—I’m thinking of cavepeople on cartoons—then a language that is more fit for onomatopoetic imitation is more iconic and more “primitive” than the more “developed” languages that do not readily facilitate such imitation. So let’s just be mindful and try to think about sound imitation scientifically.

We think of onomatopoeia as the process of imitating nonhuman sounds using the sounds of human language. This rules out things like raspberries and tongue-clucks since these are universally not used in language sound systems. The tools at a speaker’s disposal therefore are things like stops, vowels, fricatives, nasals, or whatever else in the sound inventory. The question therefore is to what extent—or perhaps at what resolution—a particular language sound system can capture a nonlinguistic sound.

Intuitively, it therefore seems that a language with more consonants and vowels would be better off, so here’s an insightful list of cross-linguistic onomatopoeia. Looking through these examples, I get the sense that all language needs to accommodate most of those examples are some vowels and at least two classes of consonants—stops, glides (y,w), liquids (l,r), nasals (m,n,ng) and fricatives (s,z,f,v,sh). Each class of sounds has its own properties that are useful for imitation: stops interrupt the speech stream and make natural boundaries, fricatives provide turbulent noise, nasals provide humming, and so on.  Phonological breadth therefore boosts imitative capacity, as there are more tools at one’s disposal.

But then again, we are dealing with simple sounds whose onomatopoetic imitation becomes conventional and standardized: I’m thinking of oink which sounds nothing like a squeal but that’s how we communicate that noise in English. This kind of standardization reinforces the notion of arbitraryness: All you need, it seems, for onomatopoeia is a set of sounds to perform a passable imitation and a language to codify and reinforce the onomatopoetic mapping. This latter point seems most important to me: Even with a shortage of speech sounds, an imitation can stick and be useful in communication only when everyone agrees on it.

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"…barring any overseen circumstances…"

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Neat eggcorn in the wild.