Text

omg tumblr i need help this is for science guise

didyoudrinkmygingerale:

Does English, specifically American English, contain any instances of /mj/ ?

Because if it doesn’t that would explain beautifully why the English meow is the only one that doesn’t make use of an approximant…

:3 <3 ?

EDIT: Found my answer. /mj/ can exist, but only before /u:/ and /ʊɹ/ (mute, mural). This still works, though, because meow contains /aʊ/, shifting the /j/ to an /i/! :D Yayayay!

mute, immune, Mewtwo, munition, museum, music, municipal.

Link

implicature:

An brief linguistic analysis of the word “hella,” written by Rachelle Waksler of San Francisco State University. Needs work, but it’s better than nothing.

Specifiers are things like very, quite, rather, pretty and kinda in adverbial/adjectival phrases. In noun phrases, they are determiners or quantifiers such as the, some, every, no and apostrophe-ess genitives like Tristan’s or my dog’s. As functional words, they tend to be a pretty restricted class of words when it comes to language changes, so a new specifier is hella cool.

(Source: misworded)

Photo
The poet and philologist William Barnes feared that excessive borrowing from Latin and Greek was defiling the English language, so in 1878 he outlined a grammar (a &#8220;speech-craft&#8221;) of an English free of such classical impurities. It&#8217;s a pretty nifty imaginary dialect (or &#8220;fortongueing&#8221;).

The poet and philologist William Barnes feared that excessive borrowing from Latin and Greek was defiling the English language, so in 1878 he outlined a grammar (a “speech-craft”) of an English free of such classical impurities. It’s a pretty nifty imaginary dialect (or “fortongueing”).

Photo
Toothpaste For Dinner
Tags: language
Photo
We all like to pick on Google Buzz, but c&#8217;mon reshare? The obvious criticism to make is that the re- prefix is superfluous because share functions just as well in this context. Once we make this criticism, however, it&#8217;s not much of jump to see that retweet and reblog are similarly redundant. But this doesn&#8217;t feel right, does it? A &#8220;blog&#8221; or &#8220;tweet&#8221; button would seem weird, right? This might seem handwavy, but what this intuition tells me is that the prefix re-, at least in this context, is shifting in meaning from simply repeat or redo to reproduce.

We all like to pick on Google Buzz, but c’mon reshare? The obvious criticism to make is that the re- prefix is superfluous because share functions just as well in this context. Once we make this criticism, however, it’s not much of jump to see that retweet and reblog are similarly redundant. But this doesn’t feel right, does it? A “blog” or “tweet” button would seem weird, right? This might seem handwavy, but what this intuition tells me is that the prefix re-, at least in this context, is shifting in meaning from simply repeat or redo to reproduce.

Text

Words wholly related: sit and set

loscheiner:

Tristan and I were nerding out- (as we often do- and the topic turned - as it often does- to language.  Specifically, we were talking about the semantics of verbs.  I asked him what he knew about verbs that seem to come in transitive/intransitive pairs and are phonologically similar, like sit/set and lay/lie.

My theory was that the these pairs originally had one root and that the vowel was ablauted depending on whether the form was transitive (requires an object) or intransitive (doesn’t require an object).  So (intransitive) “I sit myself down” but (transitive) “I set down a glass”.  

Tristan was skeptical.  He did some digging and turned up that they had separate roots.  At each level (Old English, Old High German, Teutonic) the verbs were represented separately but analogously- meaning that the ablaut goes way back.  But there, buried in the Teutonic, it seems like “set” is defined as “the causal of to sit”.  AHA.

Sit: [Common Teut.: OE. sittan (sæts{aeacu}ton{asg}eseten), = OFris. sitta (WFris. sitte), MDu. sittenzitten (Du. zitten), OS. sittiansittean (MLG. and LG.sitten), OHG. sizzansizzen (G. sitzen), ON. and Icel. sitja (Norw. sitjasittasita; MSw. sitiasittia, Sw. sitta; Da. sidde):{em}Teut. type *sitjan, for which Goth. had sitan. The stem *set-, pre-Teut. *sed-, is widely represented in the cognate languages, as in Lith. sedeti, Lat. sed{emac}re, Gr. {easperacu}{zeta}{epsilon}{sigma}{theta}{alpha}{iota} (cf. {easperacu}{delta}{omicron}{fsigma} seat), etc. 

Set: [Com. Teut.: OE. s{ehook}ttan = OFris. setta (mod.Fris. sette), OS. settian (MDu., MLG. setten, Du. zetten), OHG. sezzan beside sazzan (MHG. sezzen, G. setzen), ON. setja (Sw. satta, Da. sætte), Goth. satjan; causal of *setjan (sitjan) to SIT

tristan: hey this is a really funny etymology: set O.E. settan “cause to sit, put in some place, fix firmly”. sit O.E. sittan “to be seated, to seat oneself”.
lolo
:
what makes you think that’s funny?

oh snap

Quote
"English speakers also tend to weaken or omit final coronal consonants, a process that linguists call t/d deletion: thus [lɛf] for left.  Although t/d deletion is stigmatized, in fact all normal English speakers do it some of the time, at least in some contexts.  As a result, fixed expressions that start out as participle+noun are sometimes re-analyzed so as to lose their -ed ending.  This happened long ago to ice(d) cream, skim(med) milk, pop(ped) corn, wax(ed) paper, shave(d) ice, etc. It’s happened more recently (I think) to ice(d) tea, cream(ed) corn, and whip(ped) cream."

Language Log » The population memetics of un-ed-ing — Whoa. I had never noticed this phenomenon, but I love it already.

Photo
Supernatural Collective Nouns [via wondermark.com]

Supernatural Collective Nouns [via wondermark.com]

Text

re onomatopoeia

tragos:

I know nothing—and I mean nothing—about linguistics. Which means I constantly have stupid questions about the subject, such as:

Is there any objective standard according to which we can say that one language is more onomatopoetic than another? Because it sure as hell seems to me that Spanish trumps English on that front (except for ‘oink’).

Also: What might it say about the cultures in or through or across or by which languages develop that one might be more onomatopoetic than another?

There is no such thing as a stupid question when it comes to linguistics—language matters tend to be plagued by the incoherent blather of reactionary armchair experts—thus I have no problems fielding any questions on language and giving you The Straight Dope.

One of the foundations of modern structuralist linguistics is the Saussurean sign which says that there is an arbitrary relationship between the signifier and the signified. What this means is that there is nothing iconic or “stop”-like about the shape and make-up of a stop sign. That is, a red octagon with giant white lines and curves has nothing to do with the act of slowing down and ceasing forward motion. This assumption that there is an arbitrary relation between form and meaning, as I understand the history of linguistics, pushed us towards the abstract, symbolic and computational study of language forms (since there was nothing iconic or inherently meaningful about words and sounds) and this was a good thing.

But as a result of arbitraryness, your question about comparative onomatopoetic capacity is somewhat incoherent. That is, by assumption all language is arbitrary, so it’s not possible to be “more or less onomatopoetic”. But we recognize that onomatopoeia, like reduplication or phonesthemes, flirts with iconicity (by which I mean, standing for something in a clear, non-arbitrary way) and sound symbolism, and it would be unprincipled to throw out the question entirely.

There is also, however, the dangerous ethnocentric subtext to your second question: If we assume that all language is imitative in origin—I’m thinking of cavepeople on cartoons—then a language that is more fit for onomatopoetic imitation is more iconic and more “primitive” than the more “developed” languages that do not readily facilitate such imitation. So let’s just be mindful and try to think about sound imitation scientifically.

We think of onomatopoeia as the process of imitating nonhuman sounds using the sounds of human language. This rules out things like raspberries and tongue-clucks since these are universally not used in language sound systems. The tools at a speaker’s disposal therefore are things like stops, vowels, fricatives, nasals, or whatever else in the sound inventory. The question therefore is to what extent—or perhaps at what resolution—a particular language sound system can capture a nonlinguistic sound.

Intuitively, it therefore seems that a language with more consonants and vowels would be better off, so here’s an insightful list of cross-linguistic onomatopoeia. Looking through these examples, I get the sense that all language needs to accommodate most of those examples are some vowels and at least two classes of consonants—stops, glides (y,w), liquids (l,r), nasals (m,n,ng) and fricatives (s,z,f,v,sh). Each class of sounds has its own properties that are useful for imitation: stops interrupt the speech stream and make natural boundaries, fricatives provide turbulent noise, nasals provide humming, and so on.  Phonological breadth therefore boosts imitative capacity, as there are more tools at one’s disposal.

But then again, we are dealing with simple sounds whose onomatopoetic imitation becomes conventional and standardized: I’m thinking of oink which sounds nothing like a squeal but that’s how we communicate that noise in English. This kind of standardization reinforces the notion of arbitraryness: All you need, it seems, for onomatopoeia is a set of sounds to perform a passable imitation and a language to codify and reinforce the onomatopoetic mapping. This latter point seems most important to me: Even with a shortage of speech sounds, an imitation can stick and be useful in communication only when everyone agrees on it.